Wednesday, November 30, 2005

The only way to win is cheat*

There is an interesting comment in an LA Times piece by T. Christian Miller last Sunday (November 27, 2005.)
In e-mails to his family, Westhusing seemed especially upset by one conclusion he had reached: that traditional military values such as duty, honor and country had been replaced by profit motives in Iraq, where the U.S. had come to rely heavily on contractors for jobs once done by the military.
The death of Col. Ted Westhusing raises some troubling questions. Whether it was suicide, as the government has concluded, or murder by the contractors he was investigating, as his family believes, one subject remains constant: corruption. Profiteers have been around as long as military contractors, and merchants of death as long as the nexus between the marketplace and the battlefield. But, like it or not, the U.S. military has long relied upon an ethos that stands apart from self-interest and market conditions.

Iraq does not reveal that there is a conspiracy on the part of corporations to profit from the war. There doesn’t need to be a conspiracy. Corporate interests are now indistinguishable from executive policy. Suicide or murder, the reality of this situation killed Col. Westhusing.

*Irony?

Slouching Towards Nuremburg

Back in law school I wrote a seminar paper on the history of informed consent and human subject testing in the United States after World War Two. I studied tests authorized by executive level departments in which poor black cancer patients were unknowingly given doses of radiation far beyond medical necessity in order to evaluate atomic warfare battlefield conditions. I saw examples where mentally handicapped orphans were fed radiated oatmeal. I was appalled that these tests were continued into the 1970s. We wouldn’t allow that to happen again, right? Wrong.

On December 12, the public comment period will end regarding new EPA rules for protections for subjects in human testing.

The proposed rule expressly permits:

• Intentional testing of pesticides on pregnant women and children.
• Allows “abused or neglected” children to be tested without parental consent.
• Permits companies to test children of “limited capability” without their own consent.
• Allows the EPA to accept the results of overseas industry studies that would otherwise be illegal under the rule.

Although the EPA has denied that the new rule will allow such practices and in fact touts the rules as protection for human subjects, it doesn't take a lawyer to understand the exceptions built into the 30 page document. Those loopholes are big enough for a two-headed elephant to walk through.

It’s enough to make a cynic think that the only reason some people want to overturn Roe v. Wade is that there aren’t enough unwanted children for the chemical industry to exploit.

The good doctors at Physicians for Social Responsibility are trying to stop the rule.

"the time is (perpetually) now"

Dana Milbank in the Washington Post:
Ever since the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the coming months have always been crucial and critical:

"You only have about the next six months." -- Sen. Joseph Biden Jr. (D-Del.), Nov. 21, 2005

"We've got, I think, six months." -- Sen. John W. Warner (R-Va.), Nov. 17, 2005

"This is a critical time in Iraq." -- National security adviser Stephen J. Hadley, Nov. 10, 2005

"We are entering a make-or-break six-month period." -- Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), Oct. 26, 2005

"The developments over the next several months will be critical." -- Lt. Gen. David H. Petraeus, Oct. 5, 2005

"The next months will be critical." -- U.N. Ambassador John R. Bolton, Aug. 4, 2005

"I think the next 18 months are crucial." -- Retired Gen. Barry R. McCaffrey, July 18, 2005

"I think the next nine months are critical." -- U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad, June 29, 2005

"I will say unequivocally today that what the administration does in these next few days will decide the outcome of Iraq." -- Kerry, Jan. 30, 2005

"The next few months will be critical." -- Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), July 22, 2004

"Iraq now faces a critical moment." -- President Bush, May 24, 2004

"The next six to seven months are critical." -- Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.), Dec. 1, 2003

"The next three-to-six months will be critical." -- Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), Sept. 10, 2003

"We may be going through a series of weeks and months that are crucial." -- Rep. Ike Skelton (D-Mo.), July 10, 2003

"I think the next few months will be crucial." -- Sen. Pat Roberts (R-Kan.), July 3, 2003

"the political uses of violence, for good or bad"

I've noted this here before, but the blog Arms and Influence is well worth the time to read every day, with three really sharp posts on Nov. 30 alone.

ADDED LATER:

I also really like The Cunning Realist.

Tuesday, November 29, 2005

moral compasses

Gen. Peter Pace has a good one. Others, not so much:
WASHINGTON, Nov. 29 (UPI) -- U.S. forces are obliged to stop inhumane treatment wherever they see it in Iraq, Gen. Peter Pace, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said at a Pentagon news conference Tuesday.

This was news to Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who told reporters "the United States does not have a responsibility" to prevent abuse of prisoners or civilians at the hands of the Iraqi military or police forces they are training.

Pace offered the military perspective, which is less accommodating.

"It is absolutely the responsibility of every U.S. service member, if they see inhumane treatment being conducted, to intervene to stop it," he said.

"But I don't think you mean they have an obligation to physically stop it; it's to report it," said Rumsfeld, turning to Pace.

"If they are physically present when inhumane treatment is taking place, sir, they have an obligation to try to stop it," Pace said.

Monday, November 28, 2005

stay the course

Can't believe I missed this story, which is now six days old:
Millions of Iraqis believe that suicide attacks against British troops are justified, a secret military poll commissioned by senior officers has revealed.

The poll, undertaken for the Ministry of Defence and seen by The Sunday Telegraph, shows that up to 65 per cent of Iraqi citizens support attacks and fewer than one per cent think Allied military involvement is helping to improve security in their country...

The survey was conducted by an Iraqi university research team that, for security reasons, was not told the data it compiled would be used by coalition forces. It reveals:

• Forty-five per cent of Iraqis believe attacks against British and American troops are justified - rising to 65 per cent in the British-controlled Maysan province;

• 82 per cent are "strongly opposed" to the presence of coalition troops;

• less than one per cent of the population believes coalition forces are responsible for any improvement in security;

• 67 per cent of Iraqis feel less secure because of the occupation;

• 43 per cent of Iraqis believe conditions for peace and stability have worsened;

• 72 per cent do not have confidence in the multi-national forces.

The opinion poll, carried out in August, also debunks claims by both the US and British governments that the general well-being of the average Iraqi is improving in post-Saddam Iraq.

shithouse wisdom

Seen on the wall of a porta-john at Camp Buehring, Kuwait:

"A DEAD IRAQI IS AN INSURGENT."

Succinct.

Sunday, November 27, 2005

my life with the thrill kill cult

A story in a British newspaper suggests the possibility that private military contractors in Iraq have shot (and posted online) "trophy" videos of recreational killings. I don't have much background to judge this allegation, but I know that the former marines Bing West and Ray Smith witnessed what they regarded as a thrill kill while embedded with coalition troops in the opening stages of the current war in Iraq. I've also heard a very few people here talk with evident pleasure about shooting dogs and cats for recreation in war zones; on a trip through Kuwait last week, a soldier in a car with me asked if we were allowed to shoot dogs. I've seen two reactions to talk about shooting animals: Some people think it's funny, and some are disgusted -- and suspect that people who enjoy the purposeless killing of animals would love to graduate to people. (Guess which camp I'm in, here.) So I hope the allegations are false, but wouldn't be surprised to hear that there's at least some truth to them.

Anyone have better insight or information on this topic? How likely is it that contractors (or soldiers) in Iraq are engaging in recreational killing?

Friday, November 25, 2005

charlie didn't get much u.s.o.

Quoted without comment from the November 25 issue of Stars and Stripes, pg. 5:
Tablemate Sgt. Moran O'Hara agreed that the feast caught him by surprise. O'Hara said that the last time he spent Thanksgiving in Iraq, he spent the day pulling perimeter guard on the desolate Syrian border near Sinjar. Except for a plate of freshly killed and roasted turkey, his greatest luxury then was a full box of baby wipes.

Now, two years later, the 30-year-old Monmouth, N.J. native said he was shocked by the lavishness of Thursday's meal, as well as the many other amenities he now found in the Green Zone.

"Luxurious gym, big screen TVs, phones, the Internet -- it's nothing like the last time I was here. This is a lot different."

O'Hara, who belongs to the same unit as Sprague, said there was something else that changed drastically since his first Iraq tour -- the insurgents.

"Right now, it's a lot more dangerous," O'Hara said. "Before, they weren't using all these IEDs. Now, they're a lot smarter. They're using a lot of cheap tactics that work very effectively. It's all a little more worrisome now."
The entire war in five paragraphs.

Thursday, November 24, 2005

a very big win for government accountability

(I'm the "et al" in Richard McKee et al...)

Filed 11/23/05
CERTIFIED FOR PUBLICATION
IN THE COURT OF APPEAL OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA
SECOND APPELLATE DISTRICT
DIVISION TWO

RICHARD P. MCKEE et al., Plaintiffs and Respondents, v.LOS ANGELES
INTERAGENCY METROPOLITAN POLICE APPREHENSION CRIME TASK
FORCE, Defendant and Appellant. B179548 (Los Angeles
County Super. Ct. No. BS089154)

APPEAL from a judgment of the Superior Court of Los Angeles County.
Dzintra I. Janavs, Judge. Affirmed.

Liebert Cassidy Whitmore, Richard M. Kreisler and Debra L. Bray for
Defendant and Appellant.

Moskowitz, Brestoff, Winston & Blinderman, Dennis A. Winston and
Barbara S. Blinderman for Plaintiffs and Respondents.
_________________________

Appellant Los Angeles Interagency Metropolitan Police Apprehension
Crime Task Force (L.A. Impact) appeals the trial court order
compelling it to comply with the open meeting requirements of the
Ralph M. Brown Act (the Brown Act) (Gov. Code, § 54950 et seq.).
We affirm.
FACTUAL AND PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND
L.A. Impact was organized by the Los Angeles County Police Chiefs
Association in 1991 to coordinate the efforts of the police
departments and other law enforcement agencies in Los Angeles County
to fight drug trafficking and money laundering. A memorandum of
understanding (MOU) was prepared and numerous city councils approved
it. For example, the City of Claremont City Council authorized its
police chief to enter into the MOU. Also, by resolution, the City of
Hermosa Beach City Council and the City of Manhattan Beach City
Council authorized participation in L.A. Impact by adopting a joint
powers agreement and MOU.
L.A. Impact then began its operations, and has been quite
successful. According to one report, “[s]ince its founding, L.A.
Impact has arrested 3,600 people and seized 123,000 pounds of cocaine
with a street value of $5 billion [and] has taken in $80 million in
cash and one Lear Jet.”
Because L.A. Impact does not post agendas to the meetings of its
board of directors or its executive council and does not permit
public attendance at its meeting, on March 25, 2004, respondents
Richard P. McKee and Chris Bray filed a petition for writ of mandate,
seeking to compel compliance with the Brown Act. Respondents’ motion
to issue peremptory writ of mandate was heard on October 7, 2004.
Following oral argument, the trial court granted respondents’
petition for writ of mandate, finding that (1) “L.A. IMPACT is a
‘joint powers authority’ authorized by the agreement (MOU) of cities
within Los Angeles County, pursuant to Government Code § 6500 et
seq., to jointly exercise law enforcement powers common to those
member-cities of L.A. IMPACT”; (2) L.A. Impact “is a ‘local agency’
as defined by the Brown Act”; and (3) L.A. Impact’s “Board of
Directors and Executive Council are both legislative bodies as
defined by the Brown Act.” The trial court further found that L.A.
Impact had violated the Brown Act by failing to adhere to its open
meeting requirements, and ordered L.A. Impact, its board of
directors, and its executive council to obey the open meeting
provisions of the Brown Act.
Judgment was entered, and this timely appeal followed.
DISCUSSION
I. Standard of review
Because the central issue presented is the applicability of the
Brown Act, specifically whether L.A. Impact is a local public agency
and whether its board of directors and executive council are
legislative bodies within the meaning of sections 54951 and 54952, we
conduct an independent review of the trial court’s judgment.
(International Longshoremen’s & Warehousemen’s Union v. Los Angeles
Export Terminal, Inc. (1999) 69 Cal.App.4th 287, 293 (International
Longshoremen’s).)
II. The Brown Act’s purpose, scope, and broad construction
“The Brown Act [citation], adopted in 1953, is intended to ensure
the public’s right to attend the meetings of public agencies.
[Citation.] To achieve this aim, the Act requires, inter alia, that
an agenda be posted at least 72 hours before a regular meeting and
forbids action on any item not on that agenda. [Citations.] The Act
thus serves to facilitate public participation in all phases of local
government decisionmaking and to curb misuse of the democratic
process by secret legislation of public bodies.” (International
Longshoremen’s, supra, 69 Cal.App.4th at p. 293; see also Epstein v.
Hollywood Entertainment Dist. II Bus. Improvement Dist. (2001) 87
Cal.App.4th 862, 868 (Epstein).)
“The Brown Act dictates that ‘[a]ll meetings of the legislative body
of a local agency shall be open and public, and all persons shall be
permitted to attend any meeting of the legislative body of a local
agency, except as otherwise provided in this chapter.’ (§ 54953,
subd. (a).)” (International Longshoremen’s, supra, 69 Cal.App.4th at
p. 294; see also Epstein, supra, 87 Cal.App.4th at p. 868.)
The two pivotal questions before us de novo are: (1) whether L.A.
Impact constitutes a “local agency” as that phrase is defined in
section 54951; and (2) whether L.A. Impact’s board of directors and
executive council are legislative bodies within the meaning of
section 54952. In addressing these issues, “we are mindful that as a
remedial statute, the Brown Act should be construed liberally in
favor of openness so as to accomplish its purpose and suppress the
mischief at which it is directed.” (International Longshoremen’s,
supra, 69 Cal.App.4th at p. 294; see also Epstein, supra, 87
Cal.App.4th at p. 869.)
III. The trial court properly concluded that L.A. Impact is subject
to the open meeting requirements of the Brown Act
A. L.A. Impact is a local public agency
Section 54951 defines a “local agency” as “a county, city, whether
general law or chartered, city and county, town, school district,
municipal corporation, district, political subdivision, or any board,
commission or agency thereof, or other local public agency.”
Broadly construing the phrase “other local public agency,” we
conclude that L.A. Impact satisfies this definition. (Torres v.
Board of Commissioners (1979) 89 Cal.App.3d 545, 549-550.)
The parties implicitly, and correctly, agree that in order for L.A.
Impact to be considered a public agency, it had to be created by
statute or Constitution. “A typical governmental instrumentality, if
one can be said to exist, is created by an enabling statute that
prescribes the powers and duties of the instrumentality, and
specifies that it is to be managed by a board selected by the
government in a manner consistent with the enabling law. The
instrumentality is typically established as a separate juridical
entity, with the powers to hold and sell property and to sue and be
sued.” (Amoco Corp. v. C.I.R. (7th Cir. 1998) 138 F.3d 1139, 1146;
see also Imperial Irrigation Dist. v. State Wat. Resources Control
Bd. (1990) 225 Cal.App.3d 548, 567 [“‘the powers of public [agencies]
are derived from the statutes which create them and define their
functions’”].) Applying these legal principles, under the facts
presented herein, L.A. Impact only constitutes a public agency if it
was formed under the Joint Exercise of Powers Act (the JPA) (§ 6500
et seq.).
Under the JPA, a separate public entity can only be created by
agreement. (§ 6503.5; see also Brassinga v. City of Mountain View
(1998) 66 Cal.App.4th 195, 211 [absent a joint powers agreement,
sections 6506 and 6507 are inapplicable].) The trial court found
that there was no agreement between the cities to create L.A. Impact
as a separate entity. Substantial evidence does not support this
finding. (Wolf v. Superior Court (2004) 114 Cal.App.4th 1343, 1351.)
Rather, as set forth below, the evidence overwhelmingly indicates the
cities’ intent, through the MOU, to create a separate entity (L.A.
Impact) to target crime.
L.A. Impact was created by the MOU, with the authority to employ
municipalities’ police powers and public funds throughout Los Angeles
to fight drugs, money laundering, and terrorism. Numerous cities
throughout Los Angeles County authorized participation in the MOU.
In accordance with the terms of the MOU, L.A. Impact is governed by
a board of directors and executive council, with operations conducted
under a separate command structure.
It is a fiscally separate entity, subject to strict accounting
procedures. According to the MOU, funding for L.A. Impact’s
activities is obtained through public grants routed through member
cities, through contributions of personnel and equipment contributed
by member cities, and primarily through the division of the proceeds
of seized assets from the activities that L.A. Impact decides to
target. It even determines its own formula for the distribution of
proceeds of assets it seizes. In fact, as of 2004, it had an
“operating account” of over $9 million, of which over $5 million was
attributable to the asset forfeitures L.A. Impact had secured.
Also, pursuant to the MOU, L.A. Impact can enter into contracts,
which it has done. It purchased its own “rotorcraft” and arranged
with the City of Pasadena to hangar and maintain it at the Pasadena
Heliport.
Because of these facts, Timberlake By Timberlake v. Benton (M.D.
Tenn. 1992) 786 F. Supp. 676 (Timberlake) and Hervey v. Estes (9th
Cir. 1995) 65 F.3d 784 (Hervey) are readily distinguishable. In
Timberlake, the plaintiff brought an action pursuant to title 42
United States Code section 1983 (section 1983) “alleging a violation
of her constitutional rights when the vehicle in which she was riding
was stopped by officers of the 19th Judicial District Drug Task Force
and she was strip searched in the back seat of a patrol car at the
scene.” (Timberlake, supra, at p. 680.) “Defendant Jack Uffelman,
sued in his official capacity as the director of the 19th Judicial
District Drug Task Force, [sought] summary judgment on the ground
that the Task Force is not a ‘person’ under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and
therefore . . . not amenable to suit.” (Ibid.)
The district court agreed with the defendant and granted his motion
for summary judgment. (Timberlake, supra, 786 F. Supp. at p. 684.)
It found that although the task force has a board of directors and a
unique source of funding, there was no “explicit language” in the
agreement that formed the task force indicating that it was a
separate legal entity. (Id. at p. 682.) In so ruling, the district
court also considered evidence that each officer assigned to the task
force remained an employee of the city or county assigning him and
his salary was paid by that city or county. (Id. at pp. 682-683.)
Ultimately, the district court concluded that “in the absence of
clear indications that the Task Force is an entity, the Court will
not imply its existence.” (Id. at p. 683.)
In Hervey, “[l]aw enforcement officers conducted a military-style
raid to search for a methamphetamine laboratory” and the subjects of
the search brought an action pursuant to section 1983 against Tahoma
Narcotics Enforcement Team (TNET), an “intergovernmental task force
made up of various local, county and state agencies with authority to
investigate suspected drug operations.” (Hervey, supra, 65 F.3d at
p. 786.) The district court granted TNET’s motion for summary
judgment and one of the plaintiffs appealed. (Id. at p. 791.)
The Ninth Circuit affirmed, reasoning that TNET was not subject to
suit under section 1983 because it merely was “an intergovernmental
association” and the plaintiff “provided insufficient evidence that
the entities that created TNET intended to create a separate legal
entity subject to suit.” (Hervey, supra, 65 F.3d at p. 792.)
Looking at the language contained in the agreement that formed TNET,
the Ninth Circuit concluded that a separate legal entity was not
contemplated. Specifically, TNET did not have an operating budget,
its member entities retained responsibility for the employment,
salary, benefits, and terms and conditions of all employees, and unit
personnel were deemed to be continuing under the employment of the
member entities. (Ibid.) Finally, distinguishing TNET from other
intergovernmental agencies, the court noted that there was nothing in
the agreement that indicated that TNET had been created or approved
by acts of state legislatures. (Ibid.)
In contrast, as set forth above, there is ample evidence that L.A.
Impact was intended to be a separate legal entity. Moreover, unlike
the entities at issue in Timberlake and Hervey, the evidence in the
instant case demonstrates that L.A. Impact operated as a separate
legal entity after its formation.
L.A. Impact argues that the absence of any specific language
indicating the creation of a separate entity supports the inference
that no separate entity was created by agreement. In light of the
foregoing evidence, this contention is of no consequence. The
language of the MOU and L.A. Impact’s actions in accordance therewith
evinces an agreement that L.A. Impact would function as a separate
legal entity. Accordingly, attorney Leland C. Dolley’s opinion in
1991 that the executive council was not intending L.A. Impact to be a
separate entity is simply a contrary legal conclusion not supported
by the evidence.
The fact that not all city councils may have formally agreed to the
MOU is irrelevant. Once at least two city councils agreed to create
L.A. Impact as a separate entity, as we conclude occurred, it became
a local public agency whose legislative body is subject to the Brown
Act. (§ 6502 [“two or more public agencies by agreement may jointly
exercise any power common to the contracting parties”].)
Bolstering our conclusion is the fact that the police chiefs could
not have entered into this task force without the cities’
authorization. Section 6502 requires a legislative body’s approval
before “public agencies by agreement may jointly exercise any power
common to the contracting parties.” As the trial court correctly
noted, nothing in Penal Code section 830.1 (which sets forth the
authority of peace officers) gives “police chiefs as individuals or
the police chiefs association as a private organization the power to
form a permanent joint task force with permanent governing bodies
utilizing city employees and equipment.” Given that L.A. Impact
could not have come into existence without the cities’ approval, it
follows that the cities created the task force. (Epstein, supra, 87
Cal.App.4th at pp. 870-871.)
B. L.A. Impact’s board of directors and executive council are
legislative bodies
“The term ‘legislative body’ has numerous definitions, grouped
together in section 54952.” (International Longshoremen’s, supra, 69
Cal.App.4th at p. 294.) Subdivision (a) provides that “legislative
body” includes “[t]he governing body of a local agency or any other
local body created by state or federal statute.” (§ 54952, subd.
(a).)
Here, L.A. Impact’s board of directors and executive council are
“governing bod[ies]” of a local agency. (§ 54952, subd. (a).)
According to the MOU, the board of directors is “responsible for
establishing policy and overall strategy for the Executive Council.”
And, the executive council directs the “policy, procedures and
affairs of the organization.” Undeniably, L.A. Impact’s board of
directors and executive council are legislative bodies, whose
meetings are subject to the Brown Act.
Alternatively, the Brown Act applies to L.A. Impact’s board of
directors and executive council pursuant to section 54952,
subdivision (c)(1)(A). That statute provides, in relevant part, that
a legislative body includes: “A board . . . or other multimember
body that governs a private corporation, limited liability company,
or other entity that either: [] (A) Is created by the elected
legislative body in order to exercise authority that may lawfully be
delegated by the elected governing body to a private corporation,
limited liability company, or other entity.” (§ 54952, subd.
(c)(1)(A).) L.A. Impact’s board of directors and executive council
are “board[s]” or “multimember bod[ies]” that govern an entity, and
L.A. Impact was delegated with authority possessed by city councils
to exercise municipalities’ police powers with public funds. Also,
as set forth above, various municipalities in Los Angeles County were
involved in the creation of L.A. Impact. Consequently, L.A. Impact’s
board of directors and executive council are legislative bodies
subject to the Brown Act. (Epstein, supra, 87 Cal.App.4th at pp.
870-872; International Longshoremen’s, supra, 69 Cal.App.4th at p.
295.)
IV. Public policy does not compel a different result
Finally, L.A. Impact urges that public policy requires that its
meetings not be open to the public. It contends that “[w]hile the
public right of access to legislative bodies is supported by strong
public policy, an equally important interest to our democratic
society is for law enforcement personnel to enforce criminal laws
effectively and as safely as possible.” For that reason, L.A.
Impact’s meetings regarding task force strategies and operations
should not be subject to public disclosure. What L.A. Impact
ignores, however, is that not all of its meetings are required to be
open to the public. (See, e.g., § 54957; Kleitman v. Superior Court
(1999) 74 Cal.App.4th 324, 331.) For example, section 54957.8 allows
for closed meetings of multijurisdictional drug law enforcement
agencies in order “to prevent the impairment of ongoing law
enforcement investigations, to protect witnesses and informants, and
to permit the discussion of effective courses of action in particular
cases.” (§ 54957.8.) And, section 54957 was amended in 2002 to
provide for greater confidentiality for local and state public
meetings when issues of public safety are being discussed. Given
these (and other) exceptions to the open meeting requirements of the
Brown Act, we hardly believe that the Legislature intended
crime-fighting strategy meetings to be open to the public.
DISPOSITION
The judgment of the trial court is affirmed. Respondents are
entitled to costs on appeal.
CERTIFIED FOR PUBLICATION.




______________________________, J.
ASHMANN-GERST


We concur:



_______________________________, P. J.
BOREN



_______________________________, J.
DOI TODD

splash?

A question: How much play did newspapers and television in the states give the story about the Iraqi government declaring that insurgents have a "right of resistance," and declining to describe attacks on U.S. troops as "terrorism"? Because it strikes me as kind of a big deal, and it looks from here like it hasn't produced much of a ripple in the online pond.

(I read about it in Stars and Stripes, which is published by the Department of Defense, and they gave it a big front-page headline.)

Wednesday, November 23, 2005

one of these things is not like the others

Former Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird, writing in the November/December issue of Foreign Affairs (emphasis added):
Just as the spread of communism was very real in the 1960s, so the spread of radical fundamentalist Islam is very real today. It was a creeping fear until September 11, 2001, when it showed itself capable of threatening us. Iraq was a logical place to fight back, with its secular government and modern infrastructure and a populace that was ready to overthrow its dictator. Our troops are not fighting there only to preserve the right of Iraqis to vote. They are fighting to preserve modern culture, Western democracy, the global economy, and all else that is threatened by the spread of barbarism in the name of religion.
Bob had cancer, so it made immediate sense to start Jane on chemotherapy. Sadly, Laird does not seem to be in any way kidding.

Many other amusing nuggets in the Laird essay, for anyone with the patience to sniff around for them. Me, I'm going outside to stare at the sand for a few hours.

Monday, November 21, 2005

men against fire

There are many, many books (of varying quality) on the theory and practice of counterinsurgency or the "small war." And very few people here, at least at any level visible to me, are reading them. One of my first memories of Camp Shelby, where I trained with my battalion, was of the platoon leader I saw slumped across his bunk reading a copy of Audie Murphy's autobiography. Other popular choices center on Gettysburg, Gettysburg, and Gettysburg. And sometimes the Nazis.

At his personal site, Blog Them Out of the Stone Age, the military historian Mark Grimsley has written repeatedly about the idea of war and the memory of war as a testing ground, or a proving ground, for the masculinity of soldiers: "For some years now, I have increasingly suspected that military history functions as one of the ways--perhaps a very important way--by which males in our society learn how to be men."

And so I wonder, watching the leaders of a counterinsurgency immerse themselves in the literature of Pickett's Charge, if one of the reasons the U.S. military has had such difficulty in finding the themes of this war -- the intent of the war, and the ways to win it, and the shape and meaning that such a victory would take -- is that the war doesn't serve the personal purposes of some of the men who are fighting it. We imagine ourselves on a battlefield, following the regimental colors, waving a sword in the air and urging our men forward against withering fire (in the, you know, misty morning light). And we mostly face hidden bombs on the roadside, driving around haplessly and trying to figure out who's on our side or not.

The character of this war fails so often to serve the need of soldiers for a personal drama of redemption and valor; it's just a long, dirty grind, with no battlefields or Big Moments. So we try not to fight it; we try to reshape it, to make it conventional, to take the fight to the enemy and see ourselves as doing so.

This dynamic can only be a part of the puzzle, but it does seem to me that soldiers fight the war that they believe themselves to be fighting, and that human beings engage in personal drama and wishful thinking.

Sunday, November 20, 2005

never let the natives see you bleed

Somewhere, tucked in the seatback pocket of an MD-11, someone is going to find a half-read copy of Romeo Dallaire's book about the genocide in Rwanda. It's a shame to have lost it; I was marking up the pages in anticipation of a long blog post, or something like that. It's a remarkable book.

But the thing that I remember most clearly, aside from example after example of the general uselessness of the United Nations, was the revelation about the Belgians refusing to sleep in tents. Dallaire, as the commander of UN peacekeeping forces in Rwanda, developed a plan that placed Belgian troops in key locations throughout the country. Upon arrival, the Belgian Army commanders refused to go to those locations -- since there were no buildings there for them, and their soldiers were forbidden by national policy to sleep under canvas. Dallaire demanded to see a copy of the regulation in question, and the Belgians promptly complied. The regulation, in turned out, had nothing to do with the comfort or well-being of the soldiers; rather, Belgian national policy forbade the quartering of troops in tents in Africa, for the explicit reason that it was important to maintain a proper posture in front of Africans.

We are not yet really in a position to talk about the legacies of colonialism.

Anyway, if you have further questions about the book, you may take them up with the passenger in aisle 12, seat b.

Tuesday, November 15, 2005

but we call the older ones "uncle"

The very large forward operating base (FOB, from now on) that I now call home is staffed largely by "TCNs" -- Third Country Nationals -- who are largely from South Asia. The TCNs truck in our water, juice up the generators, cook and serve our food, and work behind the counters of the many, many fast food trailers. Not that we interact very much: The bathrooms, for example, are posted with "military only" and "staff only" signs. (Sadly, there are no drinking fountains.)

Waiting in line to use this computer, I was behind the guy who had reached the pay station for a user card (you have to pay in advance, the bastards). The TCN who was working the card terminal had turned his back to talk to a friend, leaving the soldier in line to say "excuse me? Excuse me? Hello?" So after a few tries, another soldier walked over and showed how it was done: "Mister! Mister!" The guy turned back to the line, and the second soldier pointed at the soldier who was waiting to pay: "Card!"

We call them mister. And you can't be polite to them, dahling -- they just don't understand that sort of thing.

Somewhere, Edward Said is laughing.

Friday, November 11, 2005

dude

Best. Blog. Ever.

back when i had me some teeth

Sigh.

Thursday, November 10, 2005

dreaming a highway back

I've been listening to Gillian Welch ever since the release of her first album, Revival. I used to love that album with an unreasonable intensity, but lately I've lost interest in it; the songs, and the voice, now seem to present an imitation, a singer trying to sound like something she admires. I have, for whatever reason, a sense of some missing thing behind a faithfully executed gesture.

But the astonishing thing about Welch is how much she has grown into the "Appalachian high-lonesome" music that she loves, and that I love along with her. The album playing over and over again on my IPod (thanks, guys) is her very remarkable Time (The Revelator), a collection of music so quietly and perfectly done that each song seems to be inexhaustible; the song playing over and over on my IPod, as I fall asleep in an army bunk thousands of miles away from home, is "I Dream A Highway," a song plainly written by someone who understands what it feels like to sleep in a strange bed thousands of miles from home. I almost posted a link to the lyrics, here, but I won't, and I hope you won't go google them. Listen first.

On the same album, "Elvis Presley Blues" pulls together two potent American icons in a deeply resonant way: Elvis being "all alone in a long decline / Thinking how happy John Henry was when he fell down and died." Welch very neatly captures the sensation of mixing a sadness over something with a love for that something, a perfect bittersweet embrace of loss. The song is a remarkable accomplishment, and it's also a remarkable accomplishment that circles back to the place she started; it references Elvis Presley and Johnny Cash, points to the traditions in which she wishes to walk, and avoids merely imitating any of them. Welch simultaneously reaches back to a cherished past and moves beyond it. And, I mean, wow.

About that cherished past: The same song displays a terrific consciousness of its subject, and I'm inclined to speculate that Welch has not only read Peter Guralnick's gorgeous two-volume biography of Elvis Presley, but has also spent some time watching footage of the young Elvis's live performances:
How he took it all, the black and white
Grabbing one in the other hand and he held on tight
And he shook it like a hurricane
And he shook it like to make it break
And he shook it like a holy roller, baby
With his soul at stake, with his soul at stake
I also love the image, earlier in the song, of Elvis as "Just a country boy/who combed his hair/Put on a shirt his mother made/And he went on the air." A storyteller's respect for her story is always apparent, and these songs are an endless pleasure. Which is much appreciated, these days.

mis-red

One of the narratives that emerged from that last presidential election described a split between, on the one hand, a rural middle America that hewed to traditional values and patriotism, and on the other hand a leftist, elitist, urban northeast and western coast that rejected the same values. I know, gag me with a reductionist spoon.

So: Fascinating report in this week's Army Times (it's a Gannett paper, not an army publication) on American military deaths in Iraq. As of Oct. 26, 213 Californians had died in combat while serving in the U.S. armed forces in Operation Iraqi Freedom. California leads the nation in this deeply unfortunate distinction; the state with the next-highest number of combat deaths is Texas, with 177. More interesting still is the map of the United States showing a red dot for each American servicemember killed in Iraq; the very large, very red blotch of ink covering coastal Southern California is the largest on the map by a very wide measure. (And deaths are mapped by hometown of servicemembers, not by service station; the red blotch in question is not a function of Camp Pendleton's location.)*

Also noted in the Thursday issue of USA Today (in a graphic on the front page of the "Life" section, unaccompanied by a story), are the states with the largest population of military veterans in the nation. California again leads the way with 2.3 million veterans -- a far higher number than the next two states on the list, Florida (1.8 million veterans) and Texas (1.7 million veterans).

So California, ladies and gentleman, clearly leads the nation in the embrace of traditional American values and patriotism. Far more of us have worn the uniform of our nation's armed forces than those patriotically indifferent folks in Texas, where they must eat a whole lot more brie than they're willing to admit. Measured objectively, California is the very reddest state of all. Right?

Or maybe the division of the country into red states and blue states with wholly different values is kind of full of shit.

An aside:

(*The numbers by percentage of population are fascinating for a whole different reason. By far the heaviest toll in U.S. military combat deaths incurred in Operation Iraqi Freedom have been those of American Samoa, at 8.63 deaths per 100,000 residents. Next down the list of the top five are the Virgin Islands, Vermont, Micronesia, and South Dakota. The Marianas Islands also make the top ten.)

Wednesday, November 02, 2005

historiblography quarterly

For the love of god, someone post something.